Saturday, April 25, 2009

James Baldwin, The Civil Rights Movement, and Cultural Identity


James Baldwin, The Civil Rights Movement, and Cultural Identity

By: Adam Molinski


I

James Arthur Baldwin was born in 1924 in New York City’s Harlem neighborhood. Baldwin, who died in 1987, eventually became one of the most influential African-American writers and intellectuals of the twentieth century. His early passion for reading and writing seemed to make him destined from the start to become a man of letters. As the oldest of nine children, Baldwin was charged with much of the responsibility for caring for his younger siblings, and to balance these responsibilities with his sweet tooth for literature Baldwin was often said to be seen with a baby in one hand and a book in the other.[1] The first of these books was the Bible. Baldwin’s adoptive father, David Baldwin, was a strictly religious man whom James did not get along with. In part to spite his father, and in part to keep away from “the whores and pimps and racketeers on the Avenue,” James, for a time in his teens, became a preacher at a different Church than the one his father preached at.[2] Though Baldwin would soon turn away from religion, his religious upbringing continued to play a large role in his writing for the rest of his life. Baldwin himself admitted how influential these early religious years were, commenting that, “[t]hose three years in the pulpit- I didn’t realize it then- that is what turned me into a writer.”[3]

Baldwin looking back on Harlem and how it has changed over the years. II


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As he reached adulthood, Baldwin began to move farther and farther away from home, first to Greenwich Village, then to Paris, but his writings and his thoughts seemed to remain in Harlem. In spite of, or perhaps because of, the distance he had from the racial turmoil taking place in Harlem and the larger United States, Baldwin became one of the most uniquely American writers of his time. Once living abroad in France, Baldwin seemed surprised to find himself becoming more invested in the problems of the country he had tried so hard to escape. When explaining the strange dynamic of becoming more mentally entangled in the United States the farther he moved from it, Baldwin commented that in his mind he was only a “commuter” because:

Only white Americans can consider themselves to be expatriates…Once I found myself on the other side of the ocean, I could see where I came from very clearly, and I could see that I carried myself, which is my home, with me. You can never escape that. I am the grand son of a slave, and I am a writer. I must deal with both.[4]

Indeed, Baldwin did deal with both. In fact, dealing with his own history, his own lineage is one of the things that helped turned Baldwin into one of the most important voices of the Civil Rights Movement in the United States. Baldwin's exploration in his writing of African American history and its relation to the race relations of his time, elevated Baldwin to being one of the most prominent African American intellectuals of the time.

Baldwin with Charlton Heston, Marlon Brando, and Harry Belafonte at Civil Rights March 1963. III

The reputation and success he gained from these writings resulted in him becoming a public figure, doing television interviews, large debates, such as the one with William F. Buckley Jr. at Cambridge University, and even meeting with, then, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy in May 1963 to discuss the government's role in the Civil Rights Movement.

Debate at Cambridge University Regarding the American Dream and the American Negro. IV

Full Debate Video Available Through UC Berkeley Here

Though it is a bit depraved to try and reduce the works of such prolific and complex writer as Baldwin to one ideological message or position, if one was to do so with regards to his views on civil rights, it would most surely revolve around his exploration of cultural identity versus assimilation.

The roots of Baldwin’s exploration of African American cultural identity are firmly placed in one of his earliest works, Notes of a Native Son, a collection of essays he wrote during the 1940's and early 1950's. The essays first published in 1955, the same year as the murder of fourteen-year-old Emmitt Till in Mississippi and Rosa Parks' bus seat boycott in Alabama, came at an instrumental time in the beginnings of the civil rights movement. The most prominent of these essays revolve around Baldwin’s discussion of two books, Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin and, his early supporter and mentor, Richard Wright’s Native Son.

Baldwin’s essay on Uncle Tom’s Cabin entitled, “Everybody’s Protest Novel,” criticizes the novel for being overly sentimental and dishonest. Early in the essay Baldwin contends that Stowe’s novel was intended to do nothing more than prove slavery was wrong, which in Baldwin’s eyes “makes material for a pamphlet but it is hardly enough for a novel.”[5] Baldwin goes further to say that Stowe does the worst damage in “the method she used to solve the problem of writing about a black man,” which Baldwin believes resulted in her having to find “a lie more palatable than the truth.”[6] This lie Baldwin believes is presenting every black man in the book as not black at all but instead “as white as she can make them,” which in Baldwin’s mind results in Tom being “robbed of his humanity and divested of his sex.”[7]

Baldwin assigns this guilt not only to Stowe, but to the very idea of the protest novel. Baldwin feels that because society sees the protest novel as an attempt to “bring greater freedom to the oppressed” these novels are allowed, by society, a great deal of forgiveness with regards to the constraints of reality, which he feels leads to “badly written and wildy improbable” literature.[8] Baldwin stipulates that this unrealistic literature, with its whitening of black characters, seems to have the same assimilationist intentions as “those alabaster missionaries [in] Africa” who aim “to cover the nakedness of the natives.”[9] This aim to “reduce all Americans to the compulsive, bloodless dimensions of a guy named Joe,” Baldwin finds disturbing, both in its attempt to make blacks something they are not, and something they inherently cannot be, white.[10] Baldwin finds this assimilationist ideology akin to that indoctrinated into slaves, that black is inherently evil, inherently sinful and that “only the robes of the saved are white.”[11] This Baldwin feels results in African Americans being born into a paradoxical cage that tells them to aim to be something that they cannot be, which results in “the allegedly inferior [being] actually made so, insofar as the societal realities are concerned.”[12]

Richard Wright. V

After lambasting Uncle Tom’s Cabin, Baldwin looks to Richard Wright’s character Bigger Thomas in Native Son. Though Baldwin respected Wright and acknowledges Native Son as “the most powerful and celebrated statement we have yet had of what it means to be a negro in America,” he felt the book and Bigger Thomas were simply a descendant of Uncle Tom and the protest novel.[13] Baldwin contends that the novel’s success was based almost solely on the revelry in the feeling that the publishing of such a shocking book proved “what strides might be taken in a free democracy…that Americans were now able to look full in the face without flinching the dreadful facts.”[14] Baldwin likens Bigger Thomas to Uncle Tom in the mutual shallow simplicity of the two characters. Baldwin views them as two sides of the same coin, Uncle Tom representing the too-perfect, sexless, whitened black and Bigger Thomas as the “ ‘nigger,’ black, benighted, brutal, consumed with hatred.”[15] Baldwin felt what connected the two and what explained the problem of the protest novel was their sub-humanity. Their simplicity, and in turn the protest novel’s led to a “rejection of life, the human being, the denial of his beauty, dread power…[an] insistence that it is his categorization alone which is real and which cannot be transcended.”[16]

Moreover, Baldwin deduces that because Bigger Thomas’s character is so limited the story loses any feel for “the relationship that Negroes bear to one another,” which Baldwin feels serves only to show that in “Negro life there exists no tradition, no field of manners, no possibility of ritual or intercourse.”[17] Baldwin feels this depiction false, as he believes tradition is “nothing more than the long and painful experience of a people,” something African Americans no doubt have.[18] Baldwin contends that this ignoring of African American tradition stems from the rapid speed at which the African American has progressed and the presiding psychology behind this progression, that for the African American to progress he must assimilate, he must ignore his own cultural past and “not pause to conjecture on the darkness which lies behind him.”[19] Baldwin feels this assimilationist attitude highly detrimental, saying that if this attitude is accepted:

[T]he Negro in America can only acquiesce in the obliteration of his own personality, the distortion and debasement of his own experience, surrendering to those forces which reduce the person to anonymity and which make themselves manifest daily all over the darkening world.[20]


Baldwin in 1958. VI

In 1957 Baldwin wrote his literary answer to the problems he saw in Native Son and Uncle Tom’s Cabin. This answer came in the form of the short story “Sonny’s Blues.” Though first published in '57, the story was republished in Baldwin's short story collection Going to Meet the Man in 1965 during the peak of the Civil Rights Movement and the same year as Malcolm X's assassination. The story follows an unnamed narrator and his brother, Sonny, shortly after Sonny is incarcerated then released for using heroin. The two brothers have two very different ideologies about life. The narrator went to the army, then to college and became an algebra teacher trying to fit into society. Sonny, on the other hand went to the navy and when he came back pursued a bohemian lifestyle of jazz and heroin in Greenwich Village. The narrator very much seems to represent the assimilationist ideology, while Sonny seeks his own path. While the story does seem to convey Baldwin’s own views, it acts more to observe than to preach.

As with Baldwin’s other works Sonny’s Blues points out the futility in assimilation. Though the narrator has achieved a sort of middle class status and he seems to live a fairly comfortable life, he still lives in the same housing projects that he grew up in and as a neighborhood algebra teacher seems to have little chance of any further upward mobility. Moreover, the narrator sees himself as one of the lucky few who made it out of poverty. In the beginning while teaching his class, the narrator realizes his brother started doing heroin around the same age as his students. Though disturbed by the idea, he contemplates that perhaps heroin could do more for them than algebra, because like he and his brother’s generation these boys “were growing up with a rush and their heads bumped abruptly against the low ceiling of their actual possibilities.”[21] Despite these insights the narrator is still perplexed by his brother’s path, which he sees not only as fruitless, but detrimental, and in a sense suicidal. When speaking to another junkie who knows his brother, the narrator questions him as to why his brother seems to want to die so badly, to which the junkie responds, “[h]e don’t want to die. He wants to live.”[22] From this point on the idea that perhaps Sonny’s path is not simply one of self destruction and hedonistic drug abuse begins to enter the story.

In an argument with the narrator about the practicalities of working as a musician, the narrator comments that people can’t always do what they want to do in life, to which Sonny replies, “I think people ought to do what they want to do, what else are they alive for?”[23] This exemplifies the difference in the two ideologies. The narrator believes in sacrificing one’s own hopes, dreams and desires in the name of practicality, of fitting into the system that already exists. Sonny on the other hand believes truly living is following one’s dreams and desires regardless of how that fits into the existing system of society. Additionally, it is no coincidence that Sonny’s hopes and dreams revolve around avant-garde jazz, something uniquely African American.

Baldwin at Jazz Club. VII

The culmination of the story and the turning point for the narrator’s view of his brother takes place in a jazz bar where Sonny is playing. As the band begins to play, the music begins to affect the narrator. He realizes that the music they are playing is not something new, it is “the tale of how we suffer, and how we are delighted, and how we may triumph.” [24] He realizes that this music, this story is necessary, that “[t]here isn’t any other tale to tell, it’s the only light we’ve got in all this darkness.”[25] The music becomes for the narrator something bigger, something absent from the rest of the story: hope. Finally during a solo, he sees Sonny in a new light, commenting, “[f]reedom lurked around us and I understood, at last, that he could help us to be free if we would listen, that he would never be free until we did.”[26] Baldwin does not offer up Sonny as a solution to all the world’s woes, Baldwin’s Sonny is complex and in some ways flawed, he is human. What Baldwin does seem to offer up in the story, however, is the idea that if the African American is to truly achieve anything, to truly change anything it will certainly not come from assimilating or fitting in, but instead from something radical, something genuine, something deeply rooted in the suffering and sweat of the past.

“Sonny’s Blues” and Notes of a Native Son, along with other works such as The Fire Next Time, played an undeniable role in the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement. When Baldwin returned to the United States in the 1960’s to participate in the Civil Rights Movement, which he often referred to as “the latest slave rebellion,” he found himself stuck between two factions.[27]

Baldwin on the meaning of the phrase "Civil Rights Movement." VIII


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On the one side was Dr. Martin Luther King and the integrationist ideology, whom Baldwin agreed with on the grounds that only love, not hate, could bring true freedom. On the other side was Malcolm X and the separationist ideology, whom Baldwin agreed with in its denial of letting white society off the hook and its emphasis on African America self-reliance.[28] Baldwin’s ideals were an amalgam of both leaders’ ideals, he felt both the hope of Dr. King and the anger of Malcolm X. He participated in King’s marches, met with Elijah Muhammad and the Nation of Islam, and moderated debates between Malcolm X and students, yet he remained his own, he remained analytical and critical, and because of this he was never fully accepted on either side.

Baldwin on Violent v. Non-Violent Protest, and Malcolm X v. Martin Luther King Jr. IX


Perhaps because of his early experience with the profession, Baldwin’s writing never preached to its reader, it never contained absolute solutions, only ideas and observations, and because of these qualities Baldwin’s writing remains some of the most insightful and intelligent writing of the civil rights movement. Though Baldwin’s opinions and thoughts evolved and changed over time, the idea of change through embracing cultural identity not assimilation remained at the very core of his work.

Works Cited

Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." Notes of a Native Son. New York: Bantam Books, 1955. 9-17.

Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone." Notes of a Native Son. New York: Bantam Books, 1955. 18-36.

Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." Going to Meet the Man. New York: The Dial P, 1965. 103-41.

Baldwin, James. The Fire Next Time. New York: The Dial P, 1963.

Daniels, Lee A. "James Baldwin, Eloquent Writer In Behalf of Civil Rights, Is Dead." 2 Dec. 1987. The New York Times. 21 Apr. 2009 .

Excerpt of Speech from My Film James Baldwin Anthology. Perf. James Baldwin. 19 Dec. 2007. 21 Apr. 2009 .

"James Baldwin - About the Author | American Masters |." PBS. 21 Apr. 2009 .

Pfeffer, Robert. "The Fire This Time." Literacy Education Online. St. Cloud State University. 21 Apr. 2009 .

Rosset, Lisa. James Baldwin Author (Black American Series). Boston: Holloway House Company, 1990.

Image and Video Endnotes

[I] http://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/episodes/james-baldwin/about-the-author/59/
[II]James Baldwin Interview(1 of 3). Perf. James Baldwin and Kenneth Clark. YouTube. 29 Nov. 2008. 24 Apr. 2009. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Rt-WgwFEUNQ
[III]24 Apr. 2009. http://bradley1969.blogspot.com/2008/04/charlton-heston-1924-2008.html
[IV]James Baldwin v. William F. Buckley Jr. Debate. Perf. James Baldwin and William F. Buckley. YouTube. 24 Apr. 2009 .http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nbkObXxSUus
[V] 24 Apr. 2009. http://www.glos.ac.uk/pressreleases/archive/october08/Pages/richardwright.aspx
[VI]Weissman, Mottke. James Baldwin in 1958. 19 June 2007. New York Times. 24 Apr. 2009 .http://papercuts.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/06/19/freeing-james-baldwin/
[VII]Mydans, Carl. American Author James Baldwin. Mar. 1962. Google Images. 24 Apr. 2009 . http://images.google.com/hosted/life/l?imgurl=13cb0eea90cae54c&q=james%20baldwin%20carl&prev=/images%3Fq%3Djames%2Bbaldwin%2Bcarl%26hl%3Den%26client%3Dfirefox-a%26rls%3Dorg.mozilla:en-US:official%26sa%3DG%26um%3D1
[VIII]Excerpt of Speech from My Film James Baldwin Anthology. Dir. Claire Burch. Perf. James Baldwin. YouTube. 19 Dec. 2007. 24 Apr. 2009. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N7Of0Abi10A.
[IX]James Baldwin Interview(3 of 3). Perf. James Baldwin and Kenneth Clark. YouTube. 29 Nov. 2008. 24 Apr. 2009. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kXwVnYGJ_Cw



Literary End Notes

[1] Rosset, Lisa. James Baldwin Author (Black American Series). Boston: Holloway House Company, 1990. 24.

[2] Baldwin, James. The Fire Next Time. New York: The Dial P, 1963. 30.

[3] "James Baldwin - About the Author | American Masters |." PBS. 21 Apr. 2009 .

[4] Daniels, Lee A. "James Baldwin, Eloquent Writer In Behalf of Civil Rights, Is Dead." 2 Dec. 1987. The New York Times. 21 Apr. 2009 .

[5] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." Notes of a Native Son. New York: Bantam Books, 1955. 10.

[6] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 11.

[7] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 12-13.

[8] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 14.

[9] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 15.

[10] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 15.

[11]Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel."16.

[12] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 15.

[13]Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone." Notes of a Native Son. New York: Bantam Books, 1955. 18-36.23.

[14] Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone.". 23.

[15] Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone.” 29.

[16] Baldwin, James. "Everybody's Protest Novel." 17.

[17] Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone." 28.

[18] Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone." 28.

[19] Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone." 28.

[20] Baldwin, James. "Many Thousands Gone." 36.

[21] Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." Going to Meet the Man. New York: The Dial P, 1965.105.

[22] Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." 108.

[23] Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." 122.

[24] Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." 139.

[25] Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." 139.

[26] Baldwin, James. "Sonny's Blues." 140.

[27] Excerpt of Speech from My Film James Baldwin Anthology. Perf. James Baldwin. 19 Dec. 2007. 21 Apr. 2009 .

[28] Pfeffer, Robert. "The Fire This Time." Literacy Education Online. St. Cloud State University. 21 Apr. 2009 .

Visions of Cosmopolitanism: Einstein's World Government

by Greg Whitcher

After World War II and the destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, physicists in general and one in particular, ascended to a unique status that had not before and still has not today been matched. Today, the German physicist Albert Einstein is often called the "Father of the Bomb." However, Einstein's scientific work was only remotely responsible for the bomb's development and Einstein was never a member of the Manhattan Project. Einstein's important contribution to the building of the atomic bomb was his use of influence upon President Roosevelt to urge the bomb's development. Immediately following the bomb's deployment to Japan in 1945 however, Einstein was forced to reconsider his political and moral philosophy. In the wake of the destruction of the atom bombs as well as Hitler’s rampage, Einstein endorsed the idea of a supranational world government that could control military action and nuclear weapons without interfering in culture, economy, and national politics. Influenced by his upbringing as a citizen of several nations and the international nature of his career as a scientist, Einstein's life experiences informed his universalist perspective. Based on cosmopolitan ideals of universal understanding, Einstein hoped his vision for world government would foster cooperation and eventually peace.



In Berlin in the 1920s, Einstein met a young Hungarian physicist named Leo Szilard. The two began working together on several projects however none that received great attention. Einstein moved to the United States in 1932 just before Hitler became chancellor of Germany. Szilard remained in Germany until he fled the Nazis to England. While in England, Szilard attended a lecture by Ernst Rutherford on a science-fiction book by HG Wells. Shortly after the lecture while standing at a London stop light, Szilard had the epiphany of the nuclear chain reaction.4 It was the epiphany of the nuclear chain reaction that described what would become the central process of the atomic bomb. Aware of the bomb's potential capabilities, Szilard later worried that Hitler's scientists might be able to develop such a weapon. This fear led Szilard to contact his colleague with the greatest political influence, Albert Einstein.






Szilard approached Einstein at Princeton with the hope that President Roosevelt would be quickly briefed on the threat of the atomic bomb.7 Through an economist, Alexander Sachs, Leo Szilard and Einstein caught President Roosevelt's attention. A short letter, crafted by Einstein was delivered to Roosevelt, explaining the implications of Germany gaining the ability to produce an atomic weapon based on enriched uranium.





The threat of Germany becoming capable of atomic weapon production fueled a certain level of hysteria which provided the spark necessary to overcome lacking consensus that an atomic weapon was even possible to build. That letter opened a dialogue with the President and eventually led to the creation of the Manhattan Project.7After the warnings Einstein was instrumental in sending to Roosevelt, the bomb was not used for the purpose Einstein intended: to deter the Germans. Einstein later said, "Had I known that the Germans would not succeed in producing an atomic bomb, I never would have lifted a finger."7






"Today, the physicists who participate in watching the most formidable and dangerous weapon of all time... cannot desist from warning and warning again: we cannot and should not slacken in our efforts to make the nations of the world and especially their governments aware of the unspeakable disaster they are certain to provoke unless they change their attitude towards each other and towards the task of shaping the future. We helped in creating this new weapon in order to prevent the enemies of mankind from achieving it ahead of us. Which, given the mentality of the Nazis, would have meant inconceivable destruction, and the enslavement of the rest of the world..."

* This clip was taken from the website of the American Institute of Physics History Department
(aip.org/history)


In the context of atomic weaponry, the threat of world war was profoundly altered. As a participant of the new atomic age of the 1950s, Einstein was involved in much of the political discourse about atomic weapon control. Einstein frequently reminded the public that the bomb was made as “a preventative measure.”7 Following the attacks in Japan, Einstein began to promote the idea of a world government which he thought was the answer to preventing the bomb’s use.6 Much of what Einstein experienced in early life contributed to his support and promotion of a world government which others thought was overly optimistic.



Einstein's idealistic and pacifistic tendencies are evident in his youth and were reinforced by several events in his adult life. German schools in the late nineteenth century emphasized mechanical and regimented learning as well as utmost respect for authority.3 From a young age, Einstein had been reflexively opposed to authority and often questioned accepted beliefs. These traits of the German system did not rub well with Einstein and probably deepened his tendency to question any and all authority. "Suspicion against every kind of authority grew out of this...an attitude which has never again left me," said Einstein about his early experiences with the Bible.3 While this inclination would later lead him to great success in theoretical physics, in the German school system it lead Einstein to numerous run-ins with strict teachers.3




Germany's regimented systems alienated Einstein from his homeland and for sometime he lived without citizenship.3 Born in Germany to Jewish parents, Einstein confronted intense German nationalism and militarism as a teenager and into adulthood. "When a person can take pleasure to marching in step to a piece of music it is enough to make me despise him," complained young Einstein. His distaste for these movements eventually pushed Einstein to revoke his German citizenship in 1896 and until 1901 Einstein lived without citizenship to any country at all.3 In 1901, Einstein was granted Swiss citizenship and would remain a Swiss citizen until his death (also becoming an Austrian and American citizen and once again a German during different periods). These facts seem trivial but when considering the politics and ideals Einstein later advocated they seem to have held lasting significance upon his beliefs. These are the early events that shaped Einstein's world view to be Cosmopolitan; the German was really a citizen of many nations and the world. Einstein had first-hand experience with the advantages and disadvantages of being a formal citizen.3 Constantly frustrated by the German system that emphasized the importance of authority and tradition over creativity and free thought, Einstein’s distrust for authority was strengthened and eventually translated to his hopes for a world government.



In the same fashion, Einstein's career as a scientist reflected these merits of international cooperation. By the 20th century, effective channels of communication between scientists in different countries were beginning to take shape.6 The Manhattan Project for example drew scientists from Italy, Germany, Hungary, and more. This trait of scientific inquiry must have further blurred Einstein's self-identity as a citizen under any particular power. In addition, the international nature of science probably suggested to Einstein that a system based upon cosmopolitan ideals already existed. As Einstein grew to be an international icon, he participated in many conversations with intellectuals from outside of the scientific community notably the American philosopher Sidney Hook, Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore, and British writer Bertrand Russell.5 Discussing the important issues of the world, Einstein's perspective was informed by scholars and thinkers of many countries.



Much like in his intellectual endeavors, Einstein was not afraid to suggest radical and decisive steps forward in politics. He was not blind to the obstacles in front of actually creating a world government but still acknowledged and encouraged the major steps it would take to make it a reality. It was also recorded that Einstein thought large-scale non-violent resistance based on the work of Gandhi was a potentially useful method for making world government a reality.4 The world government of Einstein would be “supra-national” meaning its decisions would be binding for all member states. Einstein’s vision for world government also took on the trait of the scientific sharing of ideas. “If a sufficient number of states pool their strength they can …take the risk of not maintaining military secrets,” said Einstein in a 1947 Atlantic article. Representatives at the world government would be elected by the citizens of each member state but Einstein was aware that a powerful veto could handicap the organization. Furthermore, the world government would pool the member nations military forces leaving only local police for the member nations.







"Large parts of the world are faced with starvation, while others are living in abundance. The nations were promised liberation and justice, but we have witnessed and are witnessing, even now, the sad spectacle of liberating armies firing into populations who want their independence and social equality, and supporting in those countries by force of arms, such parties and personalities as appear to be most suited to serve vested interests. Territorial questions and arguments of power, obsolete though they are, still prevail over the essential demands of common welfare and justice."

* This clip was taken from the website of the American Institute of Physics History Department
(aip.org/history)


Criticisms of Einstein's supranational government were widespread. Many intellectuals who opposed the idea saw it as another way that Western capitalism would extend its imperialistic tendencies.6 The United States was in a favorable position after the war and most Americans saw little incentive to embark on a project to construct a world government. Einstein subscribed to these thoughts and proposed that the established superpowers (the US, UK, and USSR) should draft the constitution. Einstein realized the tenuousness of US-Russian relations and had posited a few tactics for gaining the Russians trust in the new government. However, Einstein did not believe that the Russians should be allowed to prevent the creation of a supranational government in case they opposed it (Atlantic). Einstein was invited to the Soviet Union on several occasions but never accepted the offer. In the same fashion, Einstein's discourse on communism with Sidney Hook and other communists was always apprehensive.

By what moral philosophy could a world government rule? As a citizen of the world, Einstein's perspective embodied the ideas of Cosmopolitanism. Cosmopolitans see each individual as part of a global whole. Undivided by boundaries and governments, the cosmopolitan ideal holds that each person is innately connected to everyone around them. This philosophical movement therefore uses this unity as basic foundation upon which they build universal ethics.

Kwame Anthony Appiah, a Princeton professor of philosophy, recently published a book titled Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers in which he sketches the fundamental tenets of the moral philosophy known as Cosmopolitanism. Appiah defines the philosophy as based on a moral obligation to help people beyond our families and communities simply because we are all humans and citizens of the "global village." Appiah encourages conversation, which he explains to be a global engaged interaction between the peoples of the world in order to encourage learning and understanding.1 However, it is important to note that Appiah does not see cultural relativism as part of his Cosmopolitanism because he asserts there is an absolute moral code of humanity. In this way, Appiah rides the line between universalism and cultural relativism because he does not wish for homogeneity (or fear that Cosmopolitanism will create it) and also hopes we can draw answers and conclusions that cultural relativists like anthropologists are hesitant to make. Most importantly, cosmopolitanism does not intend to create a single conclusion or outcome for this international conversation. Finally, cosmopolitans do not think or expect that everyone will become a cosmopolitan. Appiah says, "you can be genuinely engaged with the ways of other societies without approving, let alone adopting them."1





Yet Appiah does not favor a world government. In his book Cosmopolitanism, he finds three flaws in the nature of a supranational authority that Einstein promoted. First, Appiah fears that a world government would easily become too powerful and could potentially abuse its overwhelming authority. Second, Appiah sees world government as likely to be unresponsive to local needs. Einstein would certainly disagree with this statement because in his vision of world government, the supranational government would only be involved in international security and not national politics, economy, and culture. Last in Appiah's attack is the restriction that he thinks world government would impose on experiments in political structure and new institutions. Again, Einstein would refute that his vision need not interfere with such freedoms.

Einstein’s world government was never exactly realized however his contributions to the politics of nuclear weapons were great. Both his life as a scientist and upbringing under the traumatic nationalism of pre-war Germany informed his vision of world government. The cosmopolitan ideals that Einstein advocated are still valid and often popular in the world today of globalization and increasing concern for atomic weapons control. Although Einstein came to fame for his work with theoretical physics, history may place greater and greater importance on his ideas for world peace and nuclear arms control.



1 Appiah, Kwame Anthony. 2006. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

2 Einstein, Albert. 1947. Atomic War or Peace. Atlantic Monthly, November.

3 Isaacson, Walter. 2007. Einstein: His Life and Universe. New York: Simon and Schuster.

4 Isaacson, Walter. 2008. Chain Reaction: From Einstein to the Atomic Bomb. Discover Magazine, March.

5 Pais, Abraham. 1982. 'Subtle is the Lord...' The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

6 Sayen, Jamie. 1985. Einstein in America. New York: Crown Publishers, Inc.

7 Schweber, Sylvan S. 2008. Einstein and Oppenheimer: The Meaning of Genius. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.



Peter Beinhart, author of The Good Fight, discusses the development of Neo-conservatism in the 50s and 60s as well as the liberal story at this time. Beinhart seeks to trace this history in order to explain the politics of the time of the video, which is the presidency of George W. Bush. Beinharts describes the Neo-conservative movement (Buckley, Kristol) of criticizing the 50s and 60s policies as being “plagued by self-doubt” and seeking more hard-line foreign policies directed against the Soviet Union: “One of the key roles of government in a threatening world is to eradicate the plague of self doubt in America.” Thus, the Neo-cons attack things such as the Civil Rights movement as undermining the idea of American strength.


If you continue the video, he also discusses the liberal story, which stems from Reinhold Niebuhr.

Friday, April 24, 2009

The 'Culture Wars' in Academia

The Canon War of the 1980s was essentially a battle between more traditional thinkers who advocated the teaching of the classics in College curriculum, and those who felt that the works of minorities and women should have a greater presence in University literature. This was the backdrop for the publishing of Alan Bloom's controversial work "The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education Has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students". Bloom's work criticized American Universities for eliminating classic curriculum and instead replacing it with work that touched on issues they viewed as subjects of controversy in the 1960s. He felt that in eliminating Western literature in favor of topics discussing sex, race and other catalysts of social change, Universities were limiting the mind of the College student. Bloom also argued against intellectualism in America; making the claim that no real contributions had been made to American thought since the fifties. Alan Bloom's criticism of University curriculum and American intellectualism is that subject of this 2007 New York Times Article entitled "Revisiting the Canon Wars"

http://www.nytimes.com/2007/09/16/college/coll16donadio-t.html?_r=1&oref=slogin